Who first objected to history? The 1964 election, which ended in Lyndon B. Johnson's victory, had far more profound effects on the Republican Party than can be seen on the surface. This was the first presidential election in which states considered Democratic strongholds, particularly in the South, went to Republican challenger Barry Goldwater. One explanation for this conundrum was the growing presence of a new form of conservatism that developed during this period. This new form of conservatism combined several schools of thought, ranging from libertarianism to social conservatism. Since it was Barry Goldwater who brought this new form of conservatism into the mainstream, both those on the left and the right have called Barry Goldwater the father of modern American conservatism. But is this accurate? Did Barry Goldwater play an important enough role in shaping modern American conservatism to be called the father of modern American conservatism? The answer is no, and not only that, but Goldwater cannot be the father of modern American conservatism because no such figure exists. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get an Original Essay To understand why modern American conservatism has no father, it is necessary to define modern conservatism. By the 1960s, an ideological divide had grown within the Republican Party. On one side of this divide was the “Old Right,” which according to historian Anthony Gregory, was “a loose group of intellectuals, writers, publicists, and politicians who openly opposed the New Deal and bitterly resisted the entry of the United States United in the World War." II". The Old Right also favored isolationism. On the other side there was the "New Right", which pushed for interventionism and a constant commitment to the fight against communism. During the 1964 election, the New Right largely supported Barry Goldwater, who was a supporter of “states' rights, lower taxes, voluntary Social Security, and a strengthened military” (Dallek). It was for these reasons that the New Right supported Goldwater. Ultimately, the Democrats won the 1964 election. Despite this, Goldwater's conservatives got “27 million votes” (Dallek). The Goldwater campaign helped give rise to modern conservatism. According to researcher Cliff White, “from the ruins of the 1964 campaign emerged a well-organized and experienced movement, more determined than ever to seize political power.” And the victory happened. By 1968, conservatives had dominated the Republican Party. While it may seem that modern American conservatism has its roots in the Goldwater campaign, this is not the case. There were many thinkers before Goldwater who held views found in modern conservatism. One such thinker was Edmund Burke, a Whig in the English parliament. He wanted to “limit the power of the king… and favored freedom of the press” (Maciag). He also “accepted the American Revolution,” but was against the French Revolution. (Maciag). He viewed the French Revolution as a “radical redesign of society” and called the Jacobins “terrorists” (Maciag). He clung to “unalterable moral certainties” because he believed in the preservation of tradition (Maciag). Despite all this, Burke held some views that were not fundamentally conservative. He wanted prison reform, with “humane changes,” the abolition of “debt imprisonment” and “restrictions on capital punishment.” (Maciag). However, Burke is held in high regard by modern conservatives for three reasons. First, his rhetoric against rapid changefound new ears during a period in American history when “rapid political, social, and cultural transformations” were occurring (Maciag). Second, much of his anti-Jacobin rhetoric was applied to the Stalinists by the New Right during the post-war Red Scare of the 1950s (Maciag). Third, no significant group claims Burke as its own, and most intellectuals are “content to let conservatives keep Burke for themselves” (Maciag). Another thinker that modern conservatives accept as their own is Alexis de Tocqueville. Influenced by the Enlightenment, he “deeply believed in individual freedom, independence and autonomy” (Langenbacher). He, however, did not believe that natural rights could be used to “justify revolution” (Lakoff). Furthermore, although he believed in rationalism, he “opposed rationalism in politics” (Lakoff). Like Burke, Tocqueville held many views that were not fundamentally modern and conservative, leading him to “not fit neatly into conventional [political] categories” (Lakoff). For this reason, although Tocqueville shared the views of modern conservatives, he cannot be called the father of modern American conservatism. A final figure who has played a significant role in shaping modern conservatism is Founding Father James Madison. Many of James Madison's conservative views can be found in the Federalist Papers. For example, in Federalist Papers 10 and 51, Madison makes the case for the republic. Instead of believing that a republic would prevent the wealthy minority from oppressing the poor majority, Madison believed the opposite. He thought that a “plebeian majority” might be capable of taking away rights from “wealthy minorities” (Zuckerman). In Federalist Paper 46, Madison writes that the United States government stands out because it allows its citizens to own firearms. He writes that European governments "are afraid of entrusting weapons to the people" because this "constitutes a barrier against ambitious companies". Both of these sentiments are probably conservative. So why isn't James Madison the father of modern American conservatism? Because, like Burke and Tocqueville, Madison held views contrary to modern American conservatism. He wanted to “keep religion separate from politics” (Zuckerman), unlike the beliefs of some modern conservatives, particularly the “religious right,” who “detest and deny the separation of church and state.” (Zuckerman). While these thinkers held many views shared by modern conservatives, they also held views that many modern conservatives do not hold. However, it is undeniable that these thinkers played a role in shaping modern American conservatism, but it would be wrong to call any of them the father of modern American conservatism. Although modern American conservatism has roots that predate Goldwater's campaign, many of Goldwater's contemporaries played a role in shaping modern conservatism. One of Goldwater's contemporaries was Russell Kirk. In 1953 he published The Conservative Mind, which “shaped a nascent conservative intellectual movement then struggling for survival” (McDonald). Kirk received praise from both Newsweek and Time for his work, both calling him an intellectual who represented the conservative movement. Kirk was a conservative in the sense that he believed in the preservation of tradition. He viewed tradition as a preservation of morality, arguing that "private judgment alone can never replace the authority of moral judgments handed down by traditional culture." He agreed with Edmund Burke's statement: “[t]he individual is foolish; but the species is.